Fears of US interference grow amid ‘pink tide’ revival

A member of the left-wing political party FMLN in San Salvador shouts slogans in support of the Republic of Venezuela following the death of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. In the mid-twentieth century, left-wing movements and populist parties gained significant support and in many cases usurped government authority, which did not sit well with the US. The writer sees this as a threat to the ‘global balance of power’ and has consistently undertaken interventions including inciting uprisings, attempted assassinations and facilitating coups. – Photo: Marvin Recinos / AFP

By Reneva Fourie

With the presidential elections in Venezuela just weeks away, the US is doing everything it can to influence the outcome.

Paradoxically, the 2022 US National Security Strategy seeks, among other things, to ensure the autonomy of countries in making their own decisions. However, its implementation is significantly lacking.

The same strategy argues for the need to counter the influence of China, Russia and Iran, reminiscent of the Cold War era, despite the fact that their development approaches have changed. This in fact leads the US to justify its infringement on the sovereignty of its allies and adversaries and aggressively create tensions between them.

Although the Cold War officially ended in the early 1990s, its legacy continues to shape our world. There is still tension between countries advocating a socialist or communist path of development, embodied primarily by the former USSR, and those advocating capitalism, represented primarily by the US. These ongoing historical tensions highlight the enduring impact of imperialism on global affairs.

The relationship between imperialism and nation states remains vital, despite the globalized interconnectedness of countries through trade, information, and technology. Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism, depends on nation states for its survival. The goals of the imperialists, including a struggle for markets and resources, remain unchanged, hence the ongoing struggle for control at the global, regional, and national levels.

Latin America has not been immune to the extra-hemispheric imposition of the US. In the mid-20th century, social movements emerged in Latin America to address the deep-rooted class divisions inherited from the colonial era. Leftist movements and populist parties gained widespread support and in many cases took power.

In the context of the Cold War, the US viewed these developments as a potential threat to the global balance of power. In response, the country has deployed a variety of interventions, including inciting uprisings, assassination attempts and facilitating coups.

US interference in Venezuela’s internal affairs is not new or unique. Initially, the primary goal of U.S. policies and actions toward Venezuela was to exploit its abundant petroleum resources. Accordingly, it supported Juan Vicente Gómez in the 1908 coup and subsequent presidents, including Marcos Pérez Jiménez (1948–1958).

US involvement in Venezuela became less overt until the democratic election of President Hugo Chávez in 1998 and the subsequent implementation of the Bolivarian Revolution. Thereafter, US intervention in Venezuelan affairs escalated to unprecedented levels.

During his term until his death in 2013, Chavez implemented significant structural changes in the economy, state and society, particularly in favor of disadvantaged communities and workers. His government oversaw the nationalization of crucial industries, substantial public investments in infrastructure, the expansion of free education and health care, and the improvement of social welfare programs.

In 2002, the United States tacitly supported a coup d’état aimed at overthrowing Chávez. Although he was removed from power, his restoration was made possible in less than 48 hours by significant public support and the loyalty of military loyalists. Subsequently, the United States imposed targeted sanctions against Venezuelan individuals and entities beginning in 2005.

During his term in office, President Nicolas Maduro, who succeeded Chavez, faced increased interference due to the Obama administration’s implementation of comprehensive US sanctions in 2013. These measures included financial and sectoral sanctions, as well as sanctions explicitly against the Venezuelan government were targeted.

The US convinced the EU to join them in imposing their illegal sanctions. These sanctions, combined with the freezing of Venezuelan foreign assets and the drop in oil prices, plunged Venezuela into an economic crisis marked by severe shortages of medicine and food.

As a result, many Venezuelans abstained from voting in the 2015 National Assembly elections, resulting in a victory for the Western-backed opposition. This loss of parliamentary control did not lead to the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) incorporating the opposition into its government.

Consequently, the opposition failed to win the subsequent Constituent Assembly and regional elections. Maduro won the 2018 presidential election, and the PSUV’s victory in the 2020 parliamentary elections forced the West to rescind their elevation of Juan Guaido to the presidency of Venezuela.

Tensions are mounting as the July 28 election approaches. The resurgence of the “pink tide,” or a political wave favoring largely left-wing governments in countries including Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Peru, Honduras, Chile, Colombia and Brazil, is strengthening U.S. determination to sway the global balance of power in its favor.

That is why Bolivia had a coup in 2019, which former President Juan Evo Morales claimed was carried out with the support of the US and the Organization of American States (OAS), and witnessed another failed coup on June 26.

The US Integrated Country Strategy for Venezuela (2024) emphasizes restoring democracy as a top priority. This position comes despite former President Jimmy Carter praising Venezuela’s electoral process as “the best in the world.”

The US openly expresses its support for the cooperative efforts of the democratic opposition through the National Assembly and the 2015 Unitary Platform. As part of this commitment, the US is determined to use its sanctions policy and other financial pressure to advance this cause.

In April, the Biden administration announced additional sanctions against Venezuela, most notably revoking General License 44, which allowed U.S. companies to invest in and export Venezuelan oil for six months.

The reinstatement of these sanctions is expected to reduce government revenues by as much as $10 billion, equivalent to one-tenth of GDP. The deepening economic crisis in Venezuela amounts to foreign interference in the electoral process.

The PSUV and the ANC share numerous similarities. Both are committed to inclusive development, labor rights and promoting a more peaceful and just world. Although the former South African government has maintained cordial relations with the US, as with Venezuela, the US is aligning itself more closely with the opposition and providing it with full support.

Accordingly, the ANC can gain insights from the PSUV. Despite losing control of the National Assembly in 2015, the PSUV stuck to its principles. Instead of incorporating the opposition into government, it refocused on grassroots initiatives, improved governance, and regained public trust and electoral dominance.

The PSUV is aware of the US determination to undermine Venezuela’s sovereignty and is adept at navigating these complexities with caution. This is a skill the ANC would do well to acquire.

* Reneva Fourie is a policy analyst specializing in governance, development and security. She currently lives in Damascus, Syria.

**The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of The African.